Parler Fort Speaker Series: Dying to Vote in Canada and the Arab Spring

31 05 2011

Fort York, a historic site in Toronto, has recently been hosting a series of public lectures called Parler Fort.

Last night, they hosted an intriguing event called “Dying to Vote in Canada and the Middle East”. The event compared the struggle for democracy in 19th century Canada with the ongoing Arab Spring in the Middle East.  I suppose this is an interesting way of getting people interested in the 1837 Rebellion in Upper Canada, although I think that the analogy might be a bit strained.  Anyway, here was the blurb about the talk.

Today, democratic revolutions are sweeping across North Africa and the Middle East. Canada’s democratic reform movement in the mid-19th century succeeded while those in countries across Europe were suppressed violently, with tens of thousands dying. Find out how these democratic struggles are similar and different.

Join award-winning essayist and novelist John Ralston Saul and Professor Thabit Abdullah (Professor of History, York University) as they engage each other and the audience in a discussion of the current state of democracy in Canada, and our nation’s role in encouraging democratic movements in other countries.
Mr. Saul brings to life the story of Canada’s struggle to achieve a just democracy that brought together opposing religions, languages and races while practicing political restraint even in the face of counter-revolution. He will draw on his many books including his latest, Louis-Hippolyte LaFontaine & Robert Baldwin as well as on his experiences as the President of PEN International and Co-Chair of the Institute for Canadian Citizenship.
Professor Abdullah will discuss the issues and the possible outcomes of the “Arab Spring” in countries such as Egypt, Tunisia, Yemen, Syria & Iraq. He is the author of A Short History of Iraq; Merchants, Mamluks, and Murder: The Political Economy of Trade in Eighteenth Century Basra and the co-editor of Arab and Islamic Studies in Honor of Marsden Jones.

 

Read more here.





Interesting Papers at the CHA

31 05 2011

The Canadian Historical Association begins its annual conference today. I can’t be there for multiple reasons, but have read the program. Here are the papers that I find most interesting.  

Roundtable on Alan Tayor’s The Civil War of 1812: American Citizens, British
Subjects, Irish Rebels, and Indian Allies. Participants: Cecilia Morgan, OISE, University of Toronto;  H. V. Nelles, McMaster University ;Julia Roberts, University of Waterloo;  Alan Taylor, University of California at
Davis
David Hackett Fischer, Brandeis University,  “Toward an Ethnohistory of Samuel de Champlain”

Eric Sager, University of Victoria, “Canada’s Census: A Short History of the Long Form”

Don Nerbas, McGill University “Engineering Canada: C. D. Howe and the Transformation of Canadian Capitalism 1935-1947”

Veronica Strong-Boag, University of British Columbia, “The Less Than Mighty Scot? The Quandary of John Gordon, Earl/later Marquess of Aberdeen (and Temair), 1847-1934”

Kristin Hall, University of Waterloo, “Men Don’t Shop, They Invest: John Bayne Maclean and the Creation of a Male Canadian Consumer Culture in The Busy Man’s Magazine, 1905-1911”

Jack Little, Simon Fraser University “From Borderland to Bordered Land: Reaction in the Eastern Townships Press to the American Civil War and the Threat of Fenian Invasion”

I don’t know whether the CHA has plans to podcast any of these presentations. If anybody knows of any links to podcasts, please pass them on so that I can share them here.





Sad Digital Humanities News

30 05 2011

Google is shutting down its digitization program for historical newspapers. Read more here.





Bleg — Advice Re 1885-7 Canadian Court Case about Credit Reports

30 05 2011

This is a bleg. I’m searching for information on a court case that was important in the development of the credit reporting industry in Canada.

Here is a bit of background. Today we take the existence of credit-rating agencies like Experian for granted. Banks use their reports to make decisions about lending to firms and households. We also take it for granted that we can’t sue a credit-rating agency even if they report that we are a bad credit risk. Moreover, the courts have established that a creditor can’t sue a credit-rating agency if they make a loan to an individual who was highly rated but who subsequently defaults.

The credit-reporting industry emerged in the United States in the 1840s. Merchants would pay an annual fee to an agency that would provide them with detailed reports on businesses throughout the country. Such information was useful for, say, an importer in New York who was considering the extension of credit to a wholesaler in Albany or a retailer in some tiny village.

The modern credit-reporting industry would not have been able to develop without a favourable legal infrastructure. One of the most important court cases in the history of American credit-rating industry was Tappan v. Beardsley, 77 U.S. 10 Wall. 427 427 (1870). This case involved John Beardsley and Horace Beardsley, merchants of Norwalk, Huron County, Ohio, who brought an action in the court below against Lewis Tappan, of New York, for a libel. You can read the relevant judgements here and here. Essentially, the courts ruled that credit reports were privileged” communication and thus the normal rules of libel did not apply. In other words, you couldn’t sue a credit rating agency for saying that you were a spendthrift with no money, whereas you could sue a newspaper that published the same thing. Had the courts ruled differently in this case, the credit-reporting industry would have evolved in different ways.

This important case, which lasted from 1848 until 1870, is discussed in the existing secondary literature on the history of the American credit rating industry. (See James H. Madison, “The Evolution of Commercial Credit Reporting Agencies in Nineteenth-Century America” The Business History Review Vol. 48, No. 2 (1974), pp. 164-186; Born Losers: A History of Failure in America, by Scott A. Sandage, (Harvard University Press, 2005); and Josh Lauer’s “The Good Consumer: Credit Reporting and the Invention of Financial Identity in the United States, 1840-1940”, Enterprise & Society 11, no. 4 (2010): 686-694, among others).

As you can see, a great deal has been published on the history of credit-rating in the US. Very little, however, has been published on the equivalent Canadian topic, even though the US credit rating agencies spread into Canada in the late 1850s.

I’m currently writing an article on this topic and I need some input from legal historians.

In the 19th century, Canadian courts, even those in the English-speaking provinces, were reluctant to cite American precedents, preferring to base their decisions on British ones. Canada’s laws regarding libel and privileged communication were thus quite different from those of the United States. I need to find out how these legal differences impacted the Canadian credit-rating agencies.

I’m particularly interested in an 1885-7 court case in Montreal in which Justice  Louis-Onésime Loranger ruled against an American credit-rating agency and awarded  S. Carsley and Carsley Co. $50,000 in damages against the Bradstreet Mercantile Agency. In this case, Carsley sued the Bradstreet Mercantile Agency for being listed but not given a rating on the grounds that this was an erroneous signal that he was in trouble. In 1887, the case was settled out of court, which meant that Loranger’s decision was never reviewed by a superior court.

Loranger’s decision was reported as far away as New York, where Bradstreet’s head office was located. I’ve found the citation of Justice Loranger’s decisions Carsley v. The Bradstreet Co., (1886) 2 M.L.R. 33 (S.C.) and read what the judge said.

I now need to find secondary sources on the development of Canadian libel law and the laws regarding privileged communication in Canada. I’ve sent some emails to Canadian legal historians and while they were able to give me some references to some important works on related topics, none seemed relevant to my case.

I would appreciate it if anyone who knows about secondary sources that deal with their the Carsley case or the development of the relevant body of law (libel, definition of “privileged communication”) in Canada could contact me.

Any information about Loranger’s judicial philosophy and general attitude towards business would also be helpful.  Many years ago, two historians, demonstrated that courts in early Upper Canada were less likely to sacrific long-established rights on the altar of economic growth than courts in the contemporary United States. See Peter George and Philip Sworden, “The Courts and the Development of Trade in Upper Canada, 1830-1860” The Business History Review Vol. 60, No. 2 (Summer, 1986), pp. 258-280. I’m just wondering if there has been any research on the attitudes of 19th century jurists towards the transition to capitalism. Obviously there is Brian Young’s The Politics of Codification, but I was hoping there might be some secondary literature that deals with post-1866 developments in Quebec’s Civil Law system.





New Digital Humanities Technique

30 05 2011

Robert K. Nelson, who is the director of the Digital Scholarship Lab at the University of Richmond, has applied a new digital humanities technique to the study of Confederate propaganda in the American Civil War. (His study was based on the Daily Dispatch, a newspaper in Richmond, Virginia, the capital of the Confederacy). Needless to say,  this technique could easily be applied to a vast number of other historical subjects.

Nelson explained how topic modeling works in a recent post on the Disunion blog of the New York Times.

Topic modeling is a probabilistic, statistical method that can uncover themes and categories in amounts of text so large that they cannot be read by any individual human being. Applied to the Dispatch for the entirety of the war, topic modeling enables us to see both broad and subtle patterns in the Civil War news that we would otherwise be unable to detect. It also helps historians quickly detect the larger themes addressed in individual articles and then trace those themes in other documents, even through the entirety of a large paper like the Dispatch.

Read more here.  Nelson blogged about data mining earlier here at Academic Commons.

 

 





Interesting New Thesis on Canadian History

28 05 2011

I would like to bring your attention to an intriguing new thesis on Canadian history.

Don Nerbas, The politics of capital : the crisis and transformation of Canada’s big bourgeoisie, 1917-1947
Thesis (Ph.D.) — University of New Brunswick, Dept. of History, 2010.

The thesis “examines the shifting accumulation and political strategies of Canada’s big bourgeoisie from 1917 to 1947, a period of political and economic crisis that significantly impaired the political effectiveness of wealthy Canadians intent on restoring the old order”. He is in the process of preparing his dissertation for publication as a book. Don has also published articles in the Canadian Historical Review, Acadiensis, Manitoba History, and the Journal of the Canadian Historical Association.

Don Nerbas currently holds a SSHRC postdoctoral fellowship at McGill University.





Railroaded: The Transcontinentals and the Making of Modern America by Richard White

27 05 2011

Railroaded: The Transcontinentals and the Making of Modern America

by Richard White

Richard White is one of the greatest living American historians. He is the author of some really influential books on the American West, Native American history, and environmental history and is currently the Margaret Byrne Professor of American History at Stanford University. His 1991 book The Middle Ground: Indians, Empires, and Republics in the Great Lakes Region, 1650-1815 is probably the work that is best known to historians of Canada. (Of course, White’s book reveals the problems with labelling historians as either “Canadian historians” or “American historians”).  White published another book in 1991 that I loved, namely “It’s Your Misfortune and None of my Own”: A History of the American West.  White’s research interests have centred on “the West” in North America, although was is considered west has differed according to century.

In the 1980s, White was one the founders a school within the American historical profession called the “New Western History”. Traditionally, the history of the Western frontier was a heroic tale of white (usually Anglo-Saxon) rugged individualists setting out into the harsh western lands and succeeding without any help from anyone, least of all the government. The reality, as White showed in this book, is that the western pioneers were heavily subsidized by taxpayers in the east, much as people in Alaska are heavily subsidized today. White’s book therefore demolished an important American myth.  Moreover, like the other New Western Historians, White expanded the focus of western US history from just whites and Americans to include Hispanics, Asians, and all of the other groups that make western Noth America such an interesting place.

I was, therefore, very interested to hear that White’s long-awaited history of the construction of the US’s transcontinetal railways will be published later this month. Here is the publisher’s blurb about the book.
A new, incisive history of the transcontinental railroads and how they transformed America in the decades after the Civil War.

The transcontinental railroads of the late nineteenth century were the first corporate behemoths. Their attempts to generate profits from proliferating debt sparked devastating panics in the U.S. economy. Their dependence on public largess drew them into the corridors of power, initiating new forms of corruption. Their operations rearranged space and time, and remade the landscape of the West. As wheel and rail, car and coal, they opened new worlds of work and ways of life. Their discriminatory rates sparked broad opposition and a new antimonopoly politics.

With characteristic originality, range, and authority, Richard White shows the transcontinentals to be pivotal actors in the making of modern America. But the triumphal myths of the golden spike, robber barons larger than life, and an innovative capitalism all die here. Instead we have a new vision of the Gilded Age, often darkly funny, that shows history to be rooted in failure as well as success.

White’s research has some lessons for the present, as his recent op-ed piece in the New York Times about President Obama’s plans to build high speed rail in the United States make clear. White wrote:

In his State of the Union address, President Obama compared high-speed rail to the 19th-century transcontinental railroads as parallel examples of American innovation. I fear he may be right. For the country as a whole, the Pacific Railway Act of 1864 and subsequent legislation subsidizing the transcontinental railroads — the lines that crossed the continent from the 98th meridian to the Pacific Coast — were the worst laws money could buy. By encouraging dumb growth, those laws sacrificed public good for private gain. .

Read more here.

You can watch a short video of White below:





Great Article on MIT

25 05 2011

I would like to draw your attention to a great article on the Massachusetts Institute of Technology that recently appeared in The Guardian. The article will be of particular interest to those who study business history and the history of technology. MIT has played a big role in building US global dominance in business and technology: its alumni founded the tech companies that now account for 1/7th of US GDP.
The Guardian article is particularly interesting in light of the ongoing debate on the reasons for the slowdown in technological innovation in the United States. Read more here.





Smokes to Skyscrapers?

21 05 2011

Last week, I drove from  Toronto to Sudbury. My journey, which was about 400km long, took me through the urban sprawl of Toronto, then into the Ontario countryside with its neat farms, and finally into the sparsely populated Canadian shield. For the final 200km of the trip, we passed through an area with a very low population density. The highway passed several First Nations communities as well as some predominantly white settlements. I noticed that while there were a fair number of stores and gas stations along the highway, few of them were located in the First Nations communities. This pattern will be familiar to most Canadians who have ventured out of the big cities in which most of them actually live. It got me thinking about ways the First Nations could develop their economies a bit more.

A while back, the National Post has been running a series of stories on the underground tobacco economy in Canada’s First Nations communities. Some First Nations communities have been using their ambiguous constitutional status under Canadian law to build up a thriving trade in the contraband cigarettes and other tobacco products. Some, but not all, First Nations communities in Canada claim to be sovereign states and exempt from all Canadians laws and taxes. (It should be pointed out that there are Native people who are proud citizens of Canada: the former Premier of Nunavut eschews the term “First Nations” and instead uses the slogan “First Canadians and Canadians First”).

Anyway, because of the unwillingness to the federal government to impose tobacco taxes and otherwise enforce Canadian laws  in First Nations communities,  many non-Native Canadians now purchase their cigarettes in stores on reserves. Needless to say, this contraband trade has implications for public health policy. In the interests of avoiding another bloody confrontation with First Nations groups, the federal government has turned a blind eye to it.

As the National Post points out, some First Nations communities have found that exploiting this loophole in Canadian law is quite lucrative. A few First Nations individuals have become millionaires. However, the contraband trade is unlikely to benefit the most deprived First Nations, who tend to be really remote communities accessible only by air. The contraband trade is mainly centred on reserves that are on the outskirts of urban Canada. These are communities are comparatively well off, since they live close to employment and can buy groceries in supermarkets.

Moreover, one wonders whether it is wise for First Nations people to invest so much this branch of commerce. After all, the long-term trend in the percentage of smokers in the general population points down, so the Natives may be entering into a disappearing industry. Natives have invested a fair bit of capital in warehouses, cigarette factories, and stores. If the number of smokers to continues to fall or if a government ever decides to crack down on this trade, this investment in fixed assets will have been lost. I would be interested to know where the money for the warehouses, cigarette rolling machines, etc., came from and how much the Natives are paying in interest. I bet the interest rate is quite high because of the uncertainty involved. I can’t imagine a conservative bank manager putting money into this sort of semi-criminal venture.

The NP story got me thinking about another way in which FN people might develop their economies: the sale of residency permits and band membership to people from overseas. Through its immigrant investor program, Canada essentially sells Canadian citizenship. If you have roughly a million dollars to invest in Canada, you can gain permanent residency and become a citizen in a few years. See here. Many people in Hong Kong have taken advantage of this program because they want an insurance policy in case China does something nasty to its SAR. The Province of Quebec, which has its own immigration program, sets it own criteria for immigrant investors that are a bit lower than that the federal government applies to people who want to settle in Toronto or Vancouver.

It has occurred to me that a First Nations band might sell band membership to immigrants in China or elsewhere who want to live in Canada. If the band were worried about an influx of immigrants diluting the voting power of the Natives living on reserves, they could create a class of non-voting members. These band members could live on the reserve but wouldn’t cast ballots in elections. If the reserve at the same time put in place the sort of policies needed to become a financial centre, it might experience explosive growth. The policies required would involve the right sort of financial laws, tax policies, and allowing international developers to build large housing complexes in which the immigrants would feel at home.

Dubai, which was formerly a desert, has experienced mushroom growth in the last two decades in part because its ruler adopted policies designed to lure foreign workers, tourists, shoppers, and capital. Key to the success of Dubai has been the creation of gated communities in which Western and East Asian professionals feel like they are living at home. Each of these communities is targeted at a given nationality.

Expats can shop in supermarkets stocked with international products, including alcohol.  The indigenous Arab population of Dubai is now a tiny minority in its own country, but it has gone along with this breakneck development because they share in the proceeds: many do not work and subsist of welfare payments that allow them to have very living standards. Eventually they might have enough money to build an international airport, which would make them more independent of the Canadian government.

A Native community in Canada might be able to replicate this sort of policy, provided it was located close to the Interstate highway system and the federal government allowed the would-be immigrants to travel freely from their port of entry into Canada to the reserve.

Band membership is sort of a grey area. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, the Canadian government has claimed the right to determine who is a Status Indian and who is a member of a band. Until the 1850s, First Nations in Canada were allowed to define their own membership and in some cases they were able to attract “immigrants” from the white community.  Many First Nations resent Ottawa’s attempts to define their membership and claim that as sovereign nations, they have the right to determine membership, just as Canada has a right to select its citizens. Perhaps the strongest advocates of this position are the Iroquois. The Iroquois, who live in communities on either side of the Canada-US border even issue their own passports, which they have used, on occasion, to travel on long-haul airline flights.

Iroquois Passport

Recently there was a controversy about whether these passports would be recognized by the UK Border Service at Heathrow: a group of Iroquois athletes were denied entry to the UK because their passports were not issued by a recognized nation-state. It seems to me that if the Iroquois could succeed in getting their passports recognized by other countries, they could undertake the sort of project I am proposing. Some countries, especially Germany, are very sympathetic to Canadian First Nations, so the Iroquois might have an ally in this department.  Many Iroquois settlements are near urban centres, major highways, and the United States and are thus perfect candidates for Dubai-style re-development.

Another thing that occurs to me is this: why hasn’t one or more of Canada’s First Nations communities attempted to set itself up as a tax haven along the lines of the Cayman Islands or the Isle of Man. Many of the world’s “Offshore Financial Centres” are semi-sovereign entities attached to larger nation states (e.g., British Crown Dependencies), which is pretty much what Canada’s First Nations are. If the legal doctrine of Native self-government can be interpreted to mean that First Nations are entitled to sell cigarettes for half the regular price, why can’t this argument be extrapolated to off-shore banking. Why fiddle around with the piddling business of cigarette smuggling when you could be making real money  as a tax haven/financial service centre. I’m mystified by the failure of Canada’s First Nations to establish themselves as OFCs. It may be that they are afraid of pushing the concept of aboriginal sovereignty too far and thus provoking a crack-down by the Canadian government.

Please note that I am not saying that any First Nation should or should not do any of these things. I’m just saying it would interesting to watch them try to maximize the economic benefits of their distinct constitutional status by becoming tax havens.





TSX-LSE Merger

21 05 2011

The current issue of The Economist has a great article on the proposed merger of the Toronto and London Stock Exchanges.  It is part of series of pieces on the global trend towards the international mergers of exchanges.

Ever since plans for a “merger of equals” between the LSE and the TSX were announced, Canadians have been debating the implications of the loss of this strategic asset. Last week, four Canadian banks and five Canadian pension funds launched a rival bid for the exchange, playing the nationalism card. Their syndicate is known as Maple, which is, of course, the national tree of Canada.

I like how The Economist put the debate in Canada over the future of the TSX into its international context.

Financial protectionism has grown since the credit crisis as governments re-regulate financial firms and markets. But the level of nationalism varies. In the merger-obsessed world of exchanges, America and Britain still broadly welcome foreign bidders. In smaller markets, where officials fret about business migrating to bigger financial centres, there is more flag-waving. Canada’s provincial politicians have applauded Maple’s bid. In a recent poll, most Canadians agreed that TMX was a “strategic” asset. This mirrors the mood in Australia, whose government blocked the proposed merger between ASX and Singapore’s exchange in April.

I think that the comparison with Australia is an apt one, since Australia’s economy has some striking similarities to that of Canada.

UPDATE: the Maple group’s bid was rejected by the owners of the TSX an inadequate. See here.